Market System in Gwagwalada Town since 1970

ISMA’ILA YUSUF USMAN

Introduction

In spite of the increasing interest by the African scholars, historian and the like, in studying both rural and urban centres within the continent Nigeria inclusive, there has been no any comprehensive work on the socio-economic development of any part of Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The work therefore, is an attempt to reconstruct the process in the development of markets in Gwagwalada town since 1970.

The w ork examines the process and stages in the development of markets in the Gwagwalada area. The work is divided into four sections, first section focus on a general survey of the area of study, peopling and the evolution of markets in Gwagwalada prior to 1970. This is followed by the socio-economic activities of people in the area, stages in the development of markets in Gwagwalada town, and the major articles of trade in our area of consideration. The third section centres on the role of women, and traditional rulers in controlling and shaping the foundation and development of markets in the area. The creation of Gwagwalada Area Council (i.e. Local Government Council), its involvement in the control of markets, the significance of markets in the economy of the Gwagwalada, problems witnessed in the development of markets in this area were examined. The work concludes with summary and recommendations.

Geographical Background

The area of study is Gwagwalada, the present day headquarters of the Gwagwalada Area Council of the Federal Capital Territory Abuja. As an integral part of the FCT Abuja, the town is bounded by Suleja Local Government of Niger State from the East, Abaji, Kwali and Kuje Area Council from the South, West and North respectively. Gwagwalada, is located about 55 kilometres away from the FCT. Its lies between latitudes 8⁰SS and 9⁰ North and longitude 7⁰ East and 7.55⁰, and covers a total of 60 square kilometres and now comprised of three districts, namely, Gwagwalada, Dobi and Zuba districts blessed with a fertile land for agricultural activities and clay deposit to its northeast and southwest.¹

The climatic condition of Gwagwalada area does not vary from those of most tropical society. As a result the area is characterized by two (2) distinct seasons, the rainy and the dry seasons. The rainy seasons begins from the months of April/ May and ends by October/ November, the seasons is characterized by little cold, excessive rainfall with thunder, storm and little wind. The dry season on the other hand begins from the months of November/ December and ends with the advent of rainfall (i.e. April/ May). It is characterized by excessive heat and hot sunshine, dry winter wind and hammatan dust.² Furthermore, the soil fertility of the area made agricultural activities prominent. Farming there became the major economic occupation of people of Gwagwalada. Some of the major agricultural products have been yams, maize, guinea-corn, rice. Others include sweet potatoes, groundnuts, little quantity of cassava and beans. However, fruit trees such as mango, cashew, guava, orange, small quantity of banana, locust beans are also cultivated; the area is also endowed with the production of vegetable products.³

Foundation and Origin of Gwagwalada

As a multi-ethnic society, it was founded as settlement by Bassa speaking people under the leadership of Gbaga Daruwana, who migrated from the Benue Valley and settled around Kurafe for a while, and later  continued wondering with his followers until they finally found themselves in the middle of a place thickly forested by raffia palms which the Bassa called Gbagala, hence the Bassa named the place GBA-GBAGALA literary means “field of the raffia palm”.⁴ Since then, the area was referred to as Gba-gbagala, but later changed by most of the Bassa speaking people as Gbagalada, this was further corrupted by the Gbagyi and Hausa speaking people as Gwagwalada.⁵ Other ethnic groups who migrated into the area, were the Fulani who traced their movement from far north Katsina, Bauchi and Zazzau emirates to be precise.⁶ The Gbagyi (Gwari) were said to have migrated from Borno and Zazzau.⁷ Among the early migrants into the area were the Gade, Hausa and Gana-gana who came from Nasarawa, Kano and Niger respectively. While the Yoruba, Igbo, Koro and Gwandara were among the later immigrants.⁸

Intergroup Relations in Gwagwalada

Society in general is an arena for socio-economic, cultural and political activities which provided a platform for basic necessity of human existence.⁹ In pursuit of these needs i.e. food, shelter and clothing, man is said to be a social and dependant creature on his fellow and environment as well. To O. Otite:

. . . The fundamental need of man is the provision of material goods which compels him to co-operate with others in production, distribution and consumption of scarce resources.¹⁰

Thus, as an integral part of human existence, intergroup relations; originated from contact and interaction between groups as they struggled to re-create their material well being.¹¹ Based on this assertion, the people of Gwagwalada cannot be excluded to this fact. Hence, intergroup relation in the area was characterized by friendship and peaceful co-existence among various ethnic groups that made up the area. One significant point worthy of note is the fact that people of Gwagwalada area related with one another mainly on the basis of economic activities (i.e. farming, hunting, fishing and trading) and mutual borrowing, use of footpaths and trade routes, shared boundaries of farmland and settlement on beneficial basis.¹²

It is evident that the Gbagyi and Bassa, who were mostly farmers, traded in surplus foodstuffs with Hausa in exchange for farm implements in the area. More so, the Bassa people who specialized in decorated calabash and mat with rapia leaves exchanged their products with cloths, skin shoes and bags of Hausa who mostly took blacksmithing and leather work as their major occupation in the area. As a result of these activities, both parties made friends with one another (i.e. Bassa, Gbagyi, Gana-gana, Hausa, Koro) and vice-versa to a large extend that they visited each other during festivals. As opined by Ohiare   “…timing of various festivals for ethnic groups was arranged in such a way that allowed visit to be made”.¹³ Similarly, Hausa and Koro blacksmiths purchased iron from Gbagyi iron smelters in exchange for either foodstuff or farm implements.

It is important to note that, most of the ethnic groups in the area shared farmland as in most cases their settlements were not far apart from one another, and this led to an exchange of ideas on common experience. For instance, the Bassa, Gwandara, Gade, some Koro, Hausa and Fulani came to live in same area, organized themselves alone kinship ties and bounded by tribal and cultural ceremonies. At times they crack jokes that the other neighbour is slave of the other and they exchange token gifts as reparation, not necessarily based on crisis or domination.¹⁴ More so, the Bassa women carried load on their shoulder and so do the Gbagyi women, this was based on the fact that Kai-Sarki meaning “the Head is King”.¹⁵

Socio-Economic Activities in Gwagwalada

The area of Gwagwalada fall within the guinea zone of Nigeria and for long the society has been of high productivity because of man’s ability to exploit the available resources within. As a result most polities took production and distribution as their major occupation. For instance the production sector of the economy centred on agricultural production which involve farming, the crops grown and produce in the area included yams, cassava, cocoyam, maize, guinea-corn, rice, beans, soyabeans, beniseed, cotton, groundnut, sweet-potatoes, palm-oil, groundnut-oil and fruits such as cashew, guava, sugar-cane pepper, etc. Factors of production viz. land and labour was jointly owned by individual family within the society. Farming activities include clearing and burning of bush, method of farming such as shifting cultivation and crop-rotation were generally adopted with farms around fixed settlements. Implement such as big and small hoes, cutlass, axe and knives were used, and all these were produced in Kwali, Jere, Chekari and Garki. In most cases the family farm together (i.e. collective farming) and the decision on what to plant rested with the head of the family. As a result, farming provided food for the teeming population in the society.¹⁶

Another segment of agricultural production was hunting. This remained a source of meat and raw materials for hide and skin industries. Hunting was practice during the dry season mostly by age-grades. It also involved a number of hunters ranging from 20-100. In fact there was evidence of hunting relations between Hausa and Gwandara, Gbagyi and Koro, Hausa and Gade, and Gbagyi vice versa. Weapons uses were poisoned arrows, machetes, spear, local guns and dogs. Variety of games existing in the area included guinea fowl, rabbit, monkey, etc. More so, related to hunting was fishing which featured prominently in the society. This activity was practiced predominantly by the Bassa, Ebira and Gbagyi.¹⁷ This was due to their proximity to River Gwagwalada. The activities provided protein and means of livelihood for people of the area. Buttressing this M.L. Garba states:

…the number of people engaged in agriculture is increasing daily… apart from providing employment opportunities to people, agriculture… produce the bulk of incomes for most rural families…¹⁸

Furthermore, we also have industrial form of production that was enormous as local industries abound in Nasarawa area. Blacksmithing, weaving, hide and skin, dyeing, pottery and carving industries were among the indigenous industry that have existed since 17th century. These industries expanded owing to the increase in the demand of their products internally and externally. Hence, the most important one of these was the blacksmithing industry. The industry provided hoes, cutlass, knives, axe, digging stick points for farming, spears, arrow heads, local guns and pipes, swords for hunting fishing and war.¹⁹ By and large, the second independent sector of the economy as earlier mention was the distribution of goods and services through trade. People in Nasarawa area engaged in this sector of the economy through domestic, regional and long distance trade. This is due to the fact that no society or ecological zone is capable of producing all the basic need of its people. As a result producers exchanged their products for those they did not produce themselves thus, dominant articles of trade were food produce and other items such as cloths, decorated skin, fish, ginger, bows and arrows in exchange for jewelries, horses, cows, sheep, salt, natron and wears from Hausaland. In the area of domestic trade, Fulani for instance exchange cow oil for foodstuff with Gbagyi, Gwandara, Hausa and Bassa.²⁰ Similarly, Bassa and Ebira exchanged dried fish for foodstuff cloth and salt with other ethnic groups from within and outside the area. So also Hausa and Gbagyi blacksmith exchanged their products with other goods from within and outside Nasarawa area.

It has became an establish fact that, there is no any family, community or geographical zone that is capable of producing all the basic requirements of its members as a result, exchange of goods and services among people in the society became inevitable. In view of these therefore, three major types of trading could be identified in our area of study, these includes:

1. i) Inter-family Exchange System: This involved exchange of produce among the families within the area, mostly carried out by native women who as it were exchanged their product with the things they could not produce.²¹

This transaction existed among all the polities in the Gwagwalada area. ii) Inter-community Trading System: This involved exchange of goods and services among neighbouring communities within the environs of Gwagwalada Area (i.e. traders from communities such Kuje, Dobi, Wuse,

Lambata, Izom, Zuba and Suleja areas of FCT and Niger State), converged at intervals of four (4) days in a village called Baako five kilometres away from Gwagwalada town for trading activities.²² Similarly, women from other ethnic groups such as Igbo, Urhobo, Yoruba and Edo etc. also engaged themselves in all kind of economic activities.²³

The Evolution of Market System in Gwagwalada Town

To fill the gap of what the environment can not provided to the people of Gwagwalada, the people of the area gathered at their leisure, under shade of trees as petty traders and peddlers to display their wares for exchange of goods and services through trade as discussed above.  As a result, Baako emerged in the pre-colonial time as the first trading centre (market) along Abaji road in Gwagwalada area. Even though, the reasons for the choice of Baako as the first centre for a market in Gwagwalada is not known, but it could be a stopping point for an onward movement to other part of the middle-belt. However, the market was later shifted to Gwagwalada town close to Aguma’s Palace now refers to as Kasuwan Dare (night market). The reasons for the shifting were attributed to:

1. Wide spread of skin diseases called Kenda (leprosy) at Baako.
2. Large concentration of people of diverse language and culture in Gwagwalada town than Baako backed by the authority of Aguma. iii) The location of Gwagwalada within the crossroad along Abuja-Lokoja road and traders coming from Kuje, Wuse, Suleja, Dobi, Zuba, Izom and Lambata area.

Meanwhile, markets in Dobi and Zuba started around 1980s, in Zuba for instance, the market was first located around Agora’s palace where traders displayed their wares for transaction. However, the influx of traders into the market causes serious disturbances to the people the palace, this among other reasons led to the relocation of this market to its present location, while some traders continue to live in the former location which is today generally referred to as Monday Market. On the other hand, Dobi Market according to the village head of the area Mr. Yakubu Shiba “was established in 1984 together with Lambata Market of Niger State.²⁴

Kasuwan Dare (Night Market)

Kasuwan Dare (Night Market) is located around Aguma’s palace approximately 100 metres to the palace. As discussed elsewhere in this work, the market was transferred from Baako to its present location during the reign of Aguma Bala Karakta 1896-1915.²⁵ Despite its location within the heart of the town, the pattern of business transaction (i.e. services) remained the same as it was in Baako, i.e traders from various nearby villages converged at an interval of four (4) days for buying and selling of goods and services.

Furthermore, the creation of Gwagwalada Area Council (GWAC) in 1992²⁶ and its subsequent take-up of new administration under the leadership of Mr. Zakari S. Kutunku as the first sole administrator of the area²⁷ contributed to boost the revenue base of the area. Also, the formalization and transformation of the market became one of the top agenda of the new administration thus, the development of the market in Gwagwalada assumed new dimensions. This development led to the provision of the present location and allocation of plot stalls to be constructed by individuals or government w hich leases it gave at afford able rates to vend ors.²⁸ Consequently, the nature and pattern of services in Kasuwan Dare also changed from:

1. Interval of four days to daily basis.
2. Since then, 7:00 o’clock am to 11:00 o’clock pm became the period of operations of Kasuwan Dare.
3. The articles of trade is mainly vegetable, palm oil, meat, dry and frozen fish etc for regular uses.²⁹

Gwagwalada Main Market

The creation of Gwagwalada Area Council marked the beginning of direct government involvement Gwagwalada Local Government Area (i.e. GWAC), this based on the fact that, by this time the market layout has changed and became somewhat an orderly arrangement of vendors grouped by commodities. Butchers remained together as do grain sellers, pot sellers, blacksmith, and leather workers etc. This type of arrangement made it easier for buyers to locate the places of the articles they wanted.³⁰ It is also interesting to note that some individual traders did most of the structure erected at this time.

However, some of the commodities of trade in Gwagwalada market include maize, guinea-corn, yams, soya-beans, beniseed, melon, garden-eggs, grountnut, vegetables, millets, beans, local rice, woven mat, share-nut, groundnut oil. Other articles of trade are Kandelo (local maggi), madidi, local cap made from raffia palm, pots, calabashes, bush meat, fresh and dry fish, fura da nunu, Gwado and Asho-Oke etc.³¹ Farm implement such as arrow head, knives, hammers, big and small hoes, axes, cutlasses etc. are also sold.

It must be placed on record that, the role played by women in the development of markets in our area of study cannot be over-emphasised, base on the fact that, by 1965-70s the only market in the entire Gw agw alad a area w as Baako in Gwagwalada and Madalla around Zuba, while the only neighbouring market then was Lambata market near Izom in Niger State. Men and women from villages such as Kwali, Abaji, Dobi, Wuse, Kuje, Gwagwalada, Izom, Lambata, Zuba,

Tungan-Maje, Gaku, Kwakuru, Shanagu, Machada and Shaga³² among others converged to these markets for buying and selling. Men served as guide and guards, while it is one of the duties of women to carry the entire surplus produce of the family to the various markets.³³ By implication therefore, if the women were not available to perform this function a major problem would have develop in the economic chain of production, consumption and exchange.

Power and Control over Gwagwalada Market

Prior to the creation of Gwagwalada Area Council, the market in Gwagwalada was under the control of Aguma through traditional market officials such as Sarkin Kasuwa (Chief of Market) whose appointment was hereditary in nature and based on trust by Aguma. Furthermore, to ensure proper division of labour and adequate supervision additional offices such as Sarkin Pawa (Chief of Butchers), Sarkin Pawa (Chief of Butchers), Sarkin Mudu (Chief of Grains/ Measurement), Sarkin

Lambu (Chief of Gardeners), Sarkin Doya (chief of Yam), Sarkin Rumfa (Chief of Shops/ Space) and Sarkin Dillalai in charge of the brokers and commission agents were created.³⁴ Each office is saddled with the responsibilities related to its profession, as a result every trader is answerable to his respective chief who was under the control and supervision of Sarkin Kasuwa – chief of market. Some of the major functions of these officials includes, settling dispute among traders, revenue collection on market days for Aguma through Sarkin Kasuwa etc. It is important to note that, most of these appointments were given based on birth and loyalty to the highest authority.³⁵

However, with creation of the area council in 1992, government took over the control of market in Gwagwalada.

The first step taken by government w as the compartmentalization and construction of modern shops for renting, to provide security and safety from fire outbreak in the market. Similarly, administrative restructuring featured prominently in the process of government involvement in the market. For instance, Council created revenue section, staffs were recruited and market managers were appointed to perform most of the functions of the old officials, and to avoid clash of interest the office of Sarkin Kasuwa was place under salary. More so, Kwanon Awo was introduced which every grains seller must buy and put to use, this also served as a means of generating revenue beside other forms of levies. To ensure good representation, government democratized the system by encouraging the formation of unions and associations prominent among them were the union of grains, meat, yams, palm oil, fruits, shoes, cloths, boutique sellers etc. with their officials elected periodically.³⁶ Above all security network was enhanced, law and order was maintained through council security and police patrol in the market.

In spite of this transformation, there are some hitches that were contended with, this included lack of sufficient shops for the traders. Since 1970, traders have been crying for inadequate accommodation. As a result most of them display their commodities in an open space where there is no protection against rainfall and excessive heat in both rainy and dry seasons. This seriously affected sellers and buyers, not even that where there are shops and space rent is always high for petty trader to afford. Secondly there is the problem of infrastructures; government is unable to provide potable drinking water, regular supply of electricity and clinics – these among others constitute serious problems for sellers and vendors. Lastly, the problem of unnecessary displacement of traders without providing alternative venues made some vendors to lose their commodities and capitals. While cases of theft often kept traders in a state of dilemma and confusion.³⁷

The Impact of Market System on Gwagwalada and its Environs

A study on the development of markets in Gwagwalada area will not be complete without paying special attention to its contribution to the economic development of the area. Hence, it is w orthy of note that the bed rock of the economic development of Gwagwalada since 1970 is agricultural and industrial production, the surplus of which found its way into the markets for exchange. The consequence of these economic activities to the area include the following:

Employment: Markets provided employment opportunity to the teeming population of people in the area, a situation whereby able-bodied men and women especially youth became self employed to meet up with the demand of the consumers, this led to the emergence of two categories of businessmen and women:

1. i) Those who sells their products direct to the consumers ii) Those who play the role of middlemen i.e. those who went to farms or villages to buy goods from producers and later sold same

Hence, instead of depending on white-collar jobs, i.e. 75% of the population in the area engaged in either agricultural industrial production or trading activities.³⁸ While others took Dako (porters/ carriers) within the market as their occupation to earn their living.

In addition, markets in Gwagwalada remained one of the sources of revenue for Government because 50-60% of the internally generated revenue in Gwagwalada Area Council came from market which supplements the monthly subvention coming from the Federal Government.

Above all, following the reorganizations and modernization of Gwagwalada main market, spare parts of different types found its way into the area. People of diverse origin, culture socio-economic background and occupational specialization from various parts of the country settled in the area. The presence of Nupe blacksmiths, Igbo and Yoruba traders in the Gwagwalada Town is a living testimony to this fact. The population influx has made Gwagwalada the second largest area council in the FCT Abuja.³⁹ The development of markets in Gwagwalada led to the emergence of mutual trust among traders which manifested itself in lending money to other traders, weekly and monthly Adashi etc. Similarly, intermarriages, strong unions and friendship ties, as well as exchange of ideas and cultural borrowing took place.

Concluding Remarks

The work is an attempt to reconstruct the economic history of the Gwagwalada market system since 1970. The work revealed that when enough market accommodations and necessary infrastructures is provided, the economic activities of the area especially distribution will be enhanced; it will increase job opportunities and revenue base of the society.

Endnotes

1. Mundi. “Migration in the FCT: A case study of Gwagwalada Area Council”, in P.D Dawan (eds.), Geography of Abuja Federal Capital Territory, Ibadan Uni-Press, Ibandan, 2001, p.100.
2. Bi-lingual Magazine, Abuja: The New Capital of Nigeria, FCT, Societe Inter Africane, Abidjan, 2001, p.41.
3. Mundi “Migration in the FCT: A case study of Gwagwalada Area council”, in P.D Dawan (eds.), Geography of  Abuja. . .” p.48.
4. Interview, with  Malam Shuaibu Kasimu, Gwagwalada, 67years, 2010.
5. Interview, with Gimba Alhasan Ugya, Gwagwalada,72years 2010.
6. A. Filaba Kurape, Karu, Kurudu and Rubauchi Kingdoms: History of Gbagyi Confederation in Central Nigeria to 1960; Jimma University Press Ethopia,2007, p119.
7. A Filaba, Kurape, Karu, Kurudu and Rubauchi Kingdoms History of Gbagyi Confederation. . .” p200.
8. Interview, with     Magaji Gimba Galadima, Gwagwalada, 59 years, 2005.

9 . I.Y Usman, “A History of the Development of Market in Gwagwalada Area Since 1970” B.A Project Department of  History, University of Abuja, 2005, P.34.

10. Otite “On the Concept of a Nigerian Society”, in A. O Sanda(eds.), Ethnic Relations in Nigeria: Problem and Prospects, Ibadanthe Coxtom Press Ltd, 1973, p.3.
11. A Filaba and L. A Gojeh, Koro and Gbagyi Sub-Group Relations in Central Nigeria, Gis Ltd, Ethopia, 2008, p.8.
12. O Okpeh Jnr, “Conceptual and Theoretical Issues Arising fromStudies”, in O.Akinwumi, O.O Okpeh Jnr, J.D. Gwomna and D. Je’adayibe (eds.), Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria During the 19^th and 20^th Centuries, Aboki Publishers, Makurdi, 2006, p.11.
13. A Ohiare, “The Kingdom of Igu and Opanda, C1700-1939: A CaseStudy in Intergroup Relation”, Ph.D Thesis, Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), 1988, p. 156.
14. M Naibi and A. Hassan, The Gwari Tribe in Abuja Emirate, Ibadan University Press, Ibadan, 2001, p.33.
15. Y. Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970″, B.A Project, University of Abuja, 2005, p. 27.
16. L Garba, “Agricultural Development in the Federal CapitalTerritory”, in P.D Dawan (eds.), Geography of … p.111.
17. D Dawan, “Rural Settlement System”, in P.D Dawan (eds.),

Geography of . . .  p.144.

1. 18. L Garba,“Agricultural Development in the Federal CapitalTerritory”, in P.D Dawan (eds.), Geography of . .. p.107.
   19. Y Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970 . . . p.39.
   20. Y Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970 . . . p.41.
   21. I .Alhassan, “The Foundation of Gwagwalada”, Personal Research,2000, p.16.
   22. Y Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970 . . . p.34.
   23. Interview, with Abubakar Garba (Wazirin Gwagwalada),Gwagwalada, 63years, 2004.
   24. Interview, with Yakubu Shiba (Village Head Dobi), Dobi, 49years,2004.
   25. Interview, with Abubakar Garba (Wazirin Gwagwalada),Gwagwalada, 63years, 2004
   26. The Master Plan for Abuja: The New Federal Capital of Nigeria, Federal Government Development Authority, Abuja, 1979, p.78.
   27. Y Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970 . . . p.40.
   28. Interview, with Jerome Danladi Mamman,(Revenue Officer),Gwagwalada Area Council, 42years, 2004.
   29. Interview, Suleiman Abubakar (Sarkin Kasuwan Dare),Gwagwalada, 65years, 2004.
   30. E Victoria, “The Transformation of Kontagora Market 1876-1991″,Seminar Paper Presented to the Department of History Bayero University Kano, 2004, p.12.
   31. Alhassan, “The Foundation of Gwagwalada”, Personal Research,2000. P.23.
   32. Y. Isma’ila, “A History of the Development of Markets inGwagwalada Area since 1970 . . . p.44.
   33. Interview, with  Yakubu Shiba (Village Head Dobi), Dobi, 49years,2004.
   34. Interview, with  Suleiman Abubakar (Sarkin Kasuwan Dare),Gwagwalada, 65years, 2004.
   35. Interview, with Abubakar Garba (Wazirin Gwagwalada),Gwagwalada, 63years, 2004.
   36. Interview, with Jerome Danladi Mamman,(Revenue Officer),Gwagwalada Area Council, 42years, 2004.
   37. O James, “Women in the Economy of Abuja the Federal CapitalTerritory”, in A.A Idrees and Y.A Ochefu (eds.), Studies in the History of Central Nigerian Area Vol I, CSS Ltd, Lagos, 2002, p. 404.
   38. Interview, with Suleiman Abubakar (Sarkin Kasuwan Dare),Gwagwalada, 65years, 2004.
   39. Interview, with Abubakar Garba (Wazirin Gwagwalada),Gwagwalada, 63years, 2004.